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***>**  *»*•** 

THE     HISTORY 


OF 


Our  Government  and  its  Perils, 


AND 


THE  FRUIT  OF  THE  GREAT  CONFLICT. 


Mr.  President,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: — 

A  review  of  the  history  of  the  rise  arid  progress  of 
our  government  and  of  the  development  of  our  institu- 
tions, in  their  grandeur  and  power,  ought  to  be  a  sub- 
ject of  both  interest  and  pleasure  to  those  upon  whom 
is  conferred  the  privilege  of  their  enjoyment. 

Fortunately  we  depend  not  upon  legends  transmitted 
from  age  to  age,  like  the  Egyptian,  Grecian  or  Roman 
citizen,  for  a  knowledge  of  our  origin;  nor  do  we  have 
to  search  any  musty  antiquarian  records  to  learn  when 
the  foundations  of  our  government  were  laid,  or  for 
the  knowledge  of  the  virtues  and  exploits  of  its  illus- 
trious founders;  but  the  transformation  from  British 
colonies  to  American  commonwealths,  from  Crown 
dependencies  to  sovereign  States,  is  the  work  of  our 
own  immediate  ancestors,  whose  names,  eloquent  ap- 


[2  ] 

peals,  daring  deeds,  and  grand  achievements  are  fresh 
in  our  minds,  and  whose  venerable  forms  we,  in 
imagination,  can  almost  behold,  We  can  clearly  trace 
its  gradual  development  from  conception  to  reality ; 
from  the  blossom  to  the  rich,  ripe  fruit;  from  a  germ 
to  the  wide-spreading,  stately  tree;  from  the  embryo 
to  a  grand  republic;  amid  agitation,  difficulties,  dan- 
gers, and  wars  of  the  most  desperate  and  bloody 
character. 

THE  FIRST  CONGRESS. 

• 

The  distance  of  the  English  throne  from  the  Ameri- 
can colonies  rendered  the  administration  of  their 
affairs  difficult,  perplexing,  and  unsatisfactory.  Her 
unjust  methods  of  governing  the  colonies  excited 
the  most  bitter  and  resentful  spirit  on  the  part  of  the 
colonists,  which  in  turn  produced  the  most  aggressive 
and  revengeful  acts  on  the  part  of  the  British  Min- 
istry. 

On  the  fifth  day  of  September,  1774,  in  accordance 
with  Colonial  resolutions  or  enactments,  there  assem- 
bled at  Philadelphia  fifty  delegates  from  the  thirteen 
Colonies,  composing  the  first  Colonial  Congress,  to 
devise  measures  of  resistance  to  the  encroachments 
and  despotism  of  the  British  ministry  and  throne. 
Peyton  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  was  elected  president. 

Among  the  members  of  this  Congress,  Washington, 
Adams,  Sherman,  Jay,  Livingston,  Lee,  Rutledge  and 
Patrick  Henry  were  conspicuous. 

There  first  met  in  deliberative  assembly  the  cham- 
pions of  liberty  and  constitutional  law.  There  the 
gallant  sons  of  Massachusetts  first  met  the  spartan 


[  3] 

band  of  Virginia  in  fraternal  embrace.  There  heroesj 
in  the  face  of  dungeons,  scaffolds  and  confiscations 
laid  the  foundation  of  this  republic. 

So  great  was  their  friendship  and  sympathy  and 
interest  in  a  common  cause,  that  the  first  day  of  June, 
1774 — the  day  when  the  Port  of  Boston  was  to  be 
closed  by  Act  of  Parliament,  for  throwing  the  tribute 
tea  overboard — was,  by  an  legislative  act  of  Virginia, 
made  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation  and  prayer. 

This  was  the  first  act  in  massing  their  forces  and  in" 
the  unification  of  the  people  in  opposition  to  tyranny 
and  in  support  of  their  rights,  resulting  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  independent  and  free  government. 

Here  were  enunciated  the  elelnentary  principles 
subsequently  embodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, and  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

There,  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  we  imagine 
that  we  see  Patrick  Henry  pouring  forth  his  fierce 
invectives  against  the  British  ministers  and  his  anath- 
emas against  British  misrule  and  oppression.  In  the 
retrospect  we  seem  to  see  the  eloquent,  profound  and 
erudite  John  Adams  expounding  the  rights  of  the 
Colonies  and  portraying  in  his  gorgeous  and  impress- 
ive diction  the  violation  of  charters  and  constitutional 
laws  by  imposing  burthens  on  them  greater  than  on 
the  residents  of  the  mother  country,  in  taxation  with- 
out consent  or  representation,  and  in  the  appointment 
and  removal  of  sheriffs,  magistrates,  members  of  coun- 
cil and  governors  by  the  Crown,  so  that  all  acts  of 
legislation  and  judicature  should  emanate  from  the 
throne. 


There  also  appeared  the  majestic  and  gallant  Wash- 
ington, ready  to  perform  such  valorous  deeds  as 
should  entitle  him  to  the  enviable  distinction:  "First 
in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his 
countrymen!" 

What  a  sublime  spectacle  is  here  exhibited.  These 
heroic  men,  trusting  in  the  justice  of  their  cause,  and 
in  the  constancy  and  perseverance  of  the  people,  con- 
fronted a  power  whose  veteran  army  knew  no  defeat; 
whose  navy  had  been  triumphant  on  every  sea;  a 
nation  that,  through  her  prowess,  wealth  and  skill, 
had  become  renowned  in  every  part  -of  the  habitable 
globe. 

Undismayed  by  "the  minions  of  the  Crown,  and 
unappalled  by  its  armies,  their  discussions  and  delib- 
erations were  earnest  and  animated,  (but  not  incau- 
tious), lofty  and  far  reaching,  and  were  followed  with 
clear,  bold  and  fearless  declarations  and  resolutions, 
leading  on  to  freedom  and  independence. 

CONGRESSIONAL  DECLARATIONS  OF  1774. 

On  the  fourteenth  day  of  October,  1774,  Congress, 
in  a  series  of  resolutions,  declared  that  the  English 
Colonies  in  North  America,  were,  by  the  immutable 
laws  of  Nature,  the  principles  of  the  English  Consti- 
tution and  their  several  charters,  entitled  to  life,  lib- 
erty and  property;  that  the  foundation  of  English 
liberty,  and  of  all  free  governments,  is  a  right  in  the 
people  to  participate  in  their  legislative  councils;  and 
that  England  did  not  have  the  right  to  tax  her  sub- 
jects in  America  without  their  consent. 


[5] 

Congress  charged  the  King  with  official  exactions, 
with  military  violence,  with  unheard-of  proscriptions; 
and  Parliament  with  abridging  their  rights  and  liber- 
ties, with  establishing  a  system  of  oppression  and 
usurpation,  inevitably  leading  to  the  enslavement  of 
America  —  and  enumerated  a  long  list  of  Parliament- 
ary acts,  which  encroached  upon  the  rights  and  liber- 
ties of  the  colonies,  characterizing  them  as  impolitic, 
unjust  and  cruel,  as  well  as  unconstitutional,  and 
most  dangerous  and  destructive  to  American  rights; 
and  demanded  their  repeal  as  a  condition  of  the  resto- 
ration of  harmony  and  union  and  obedience. 

Congress  further  gave  notice  to  Britain  that  unless 
she  refrained  from  her  obnoxious  acts  and  legislation, 
that  at  the  next  meeting  of  Congress,  America  would 
adopt  measures  in  vindication  of  her  rights  and  in  the 
protection  of  her  liberties. 

This  statement  of  rights  and  grievances  was  re- 
ceived by  the  proud  King  and  his  haughty  Ministers 
with  sneers  and  derision. 

Here  we  see  an  exhibition  of  that  pride  which 
goeth  before  destruction,  and  that  haughty  spirit 
that  precedes  a  fall. 

The  remonstrances  and  expostulations  and  petitions 
of  the  colonists  were  answered  with  frowns  and  re- 
taliatory measures  of  the  most  vindictive  and  oppres- 
sive character. 

Whatever  perils  and  sufferings  and  losses  might 
attend  a  separation  of  the  colonies  from  the  Crown, 
they  seemed  more  tolerable  than  their  present 
wretched  condition.  Necessity  and  self-preservation 


[  6] 

forced  them  to  sever  the  chains  that  bound  them  to  a 
despotism. 

Previous  to  the  dissolution  of  the  first  Congress, 
on  the  twenty-sixth  day  of  October,  1774,  a  resolution 
was  passed  that  Congress  should  re-convene  on  the 
tenth  day  of  May,  1775,  unless  Parliament  should,  by 
redressing  their  grievances  and  granting  their  peti- 
tions, make  it  unnecessary. 

THE  -SESSION  OF  CONGRESS  OF  1775. 

In  May,  1775,  Congress  again  met.  Their  petitions 
and  remonstrances  were  disregarded  or  treated  with 
scorn  and  contempt.  Parliament  determined  to  en- 
force its  arbitrary  and  unjust  measures  with  increased 
rigor.  Blood  had  already  been  shed  at  Lexington. 

Preparations  were  now  made  for  armed  resistance. 
Steps  were  at  once  taken  to  organize  an  army. 
Washington,  who  had  gained  much  renown  in  the 
French  and  Indian  Wars — especially  in  the  bloody 
field  so  disastrous  to  Braddock's  fame — was  appointed 
Commander-in-Chief.  By  Acts  of  Congress,  three 
millions  of  dollars  of  paper  money  were  authorized  to 
be  issued;  a  general  post-office  was  established; 
rules  were  adopted  for  the  regulation  of  the  navy; 
a  treasury  department  was  created,  and  an  initial,  ru- 
dimentary government  organized. 

The  colonies  were  declared  by  the  King  to  be  in  a 
state  of  rebellion,  and  war  measures  were  adopted  by 
the  British  Government.  All  hopes  of  reconciliation 
perished.  Thus  a  most  furious,  desperate  and  bloody 
v/ar  w,as  inaugurated  between  the  colonies  and  mother 
country. 


[  7] 
THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

The  colonies,  exasperated  beyond  endurance,  pre- 
ferred the  chances  of  death  in  asserting  their  liberty 
and  independence,  to  further  subjection  to  British 
power  and  dominion.  Therefore,  in  June,  1776,  Con- 
gress appointed  Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Ben- 
jamin Franklin,  Roger  Sherman,  and  Robert  Living- 
ston a  committee  to  prepare  a  declaration  "that  these 
colonies  are,  and  of  a  right  ought  to  be,  free  and 
independent  States." 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  accordingly  pre- 
pared and  adopted  by  Congress  on  the  ever  memor- 
able Fourth  of  July,  1776. 

Of  this  Congress  John  Hancock,  of  Massachusetts, 
had  the  honor  of  being  President,  and  his  name  comes 
first  among  those  ever  illustrious  and  world  renowned 
men  who  pledged  their  fortunes  and  imperiled  their 
lives  in  the  cause  of  independence. 

Amid  the  plaudits  of  their  countrymen  and  the 
admiration  and  wonder  of  mankind,  fifty-six .  heroic 
representatives  signed  this  warrant  of  death  or  roster 
of  imperishable  fame,  as  the  Sword  and  Providence 
might  determine. 

Under  these  remarkable  circumstances  this  most 
extraordinary  and  important  document  was  prepared, 
solemnized,  and  published  to  the  world,  and  its  influ- 
ence and  power  are  everywhere  felt,  and  its  conse- 
quences are  being  transmitted  to  all  ages.  To  this 
event  we  refer  all  of  the  succeeding  glories  of  the 
republic. 

In  this  charter  the  right  of  man  to  life,  liberty  and 


[  8] 

the  pursuit  of  happiness;  the  purposes  of  establishing 
governments;  the  causes  that  justify  a  change  of  gov- 
ernment— that  vindicate  revolution;  the  impeachment 
of  the  King;  the  severing  allegiance  from  the  throne; 
the  independence  of  the  colonies,  and  the  sublime 
faith  and  unfaltering  confidence  in  Jehovah  —  are 
expressed  in  dignified  and  manly  terms  and  spirit, 
exhibiting  the  exalted  purposes,  the  well-fixed  reso- 
lution and  dauntless  character  of  the  authors  of  this 
immortal  document. 

It  required  repeated  acts  of  injustice  and  oppres- 
sion— remonstrances  unheeded  and  unnoticed,  peti- 
tions unanswered  and  disregarded,  rebuff  and  scorn, 
time  and  opportunity  for  discussion  and  reflection— 
before  the  colonists  were  weaned  from  the  mother 
country  and  prepared  for,  independence. 

So  it  has  required  time  and  trial  and  experience  to 
cause  our  government  to  grow  from  its  simple  begin- 
ning to  its  present  grand  proportions. 

The  economies  and  necessities  of  the  people  have 
improved  and  enlarged  it  until  with  its  (fifteen) 
amendments,  corresponding  to  the  ever-changing  and 
ever-expanding  conditions  of  the  commonwealth,  it 
approximates  nearer  to  perfection  than  any  other 
human  'government  of  this  or  any  historical  age. 

THE  ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION. 

At  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  each  State  possessed  absolute  power 
within  its  limits.  Congress  possessed  no  compulsory 
power  over  the  States. 


m 

Congress  continued  its  sessions  and  passed  such 
bills  as  the  public  interest  and  necessities  required, 
depending  upon  State  Legislatures  to  co-operate  and 
enforce  congressional  measures. 

The  influence  of  common  interest,  and  the  fear 
arising  from  common  danger,  impelled  the  States  at 
first  to  carry  out  promptly  the  measures  of  Congress. 

After  enduring  the  fatigues  and  hardships  of  war  for 
a  long  time,  the  fervor  and  enthusiasm  of  the  people 
began  to  wane,  and  some  of  the  States  failed  or  de- 
declined  to  raise  their  quota  of  soldiers  and  money, 
thus  embarrassing  the  government  in  a  high  degree. 

As  the  mariner,  tossed  for  days  and  weeks  on  a 
tempestuous  sea,  through  fatigue  and  suffering  be- 
comes disheartened  and  is  ready  to  sink  down  in  de- 
spair, so  with  some  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Union. 

Thus  there  appeared  an  absolute  necessity  for  a 
stronger  government  —  a  government  with  enlarged 
powers — a  more  compact,  vigorous  and  coercive  form 
of  government. 

To  remedy  evident  defects  and  prevent  evils,  Con- 
gress, on  the  fifteenth  day  of  November.  1777,  agreed 
to  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  which  were  ratified 
by  all  of  these  States.  This  Confederacy  was  styled 

THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 

The  States,  by  this  compact,  "  entered  into  a  firm 
league  of  friendship  with  each  other,  for  their  com- 
mon defense,  the  security  of  their  liberties,  and  their 
mutual  and  general  welfare." 

While  these  Articles  contained  many  of  the  impor- 


tant  powers  afterwards  incorporated  in  the  present 
Constitution,  they  also  contained  some  very  dissimilar 
provisions. 

The  Articles  of  Confederation  provided  that  Con- 
gress should  be  composed  of  not  less  than  two  nor 
more  than  seven  delegates  from  each  State;  that  they 
should  be  annually  appointed  in  such  manner  as  the 
State  Legislatures  might  direct;  that  in  determining 
questions  each  State  should  have  but  one  vote,  and 
that  be  the  vote  of  the  majority  of  its  members;  that 
all  questions  between  States  concerning  boundary, 
jurisdiction,  or  any  other  cause,  should  be  determined 
by  commissioners;  that  the  assent  of  nine  States  should 
be  necessary  to  engage  in  war;  coin  money;  emit  bills; 
borrow  money;  and  for  many  other  purposes;  and 
that  a  committee  of  one  delegate  should  be  appointed 
from  each  State,  with  authority,  during  recess  of 
Congress,  to  perform  all  acts  that  might  be  executed 
by  a  majority  vote  of  the  delegates  of  Congress  in 
regular  session. 

The  inherent  and  fatal  defect  in  this  system  was 
that  the  Confederacy  had  no  power  to  levy  taxes  and 
collect  revenue. 

The  exercise  of  the  function  of  taxation,  one  of  the 
chief  causes  of  the  revolution,  was  jealously  reserved 
to  the  States,  to  be  exercised  at  their  volition.  The 
want  of  this  power  paralyzed  the  action  of  Congress, 
and  brought  the  Confederacy  into  disrepute,  and  the 
country  to  the  verge  of  ruin. 

Chief  Justice  Marshall  said  "that  there  was  an  utter 
want  of  all  coercive  authority  to  carry  into  effect  its 


[  11  ] 

own  constitutional  measures;"  and,  "further,  that  a 
government  authorized  to  declare  war,  but  relying 
upon  independent  States  to  prosecute  it,  capable  of 
contracting  debts  and  of  pledging  the  public  faith  for 
their  payment — but  depending  upon  thirteen  distinct 
sovereignties  for  the  preservation  of  that  faith — could 
only  be  rescued  from  ignominy  and  contempt  by  find- 
ing those  sovereignties  administered  by  men  exempt 
from  the  passions  incident  to  human  nature." 

In  the  year  1783,  the  treaty  of  peace  and  amity 
was  concluded  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain.  The  war  virtually  closed  with  the  surrender 
of  Lord  Cornwallis,  at  Yorktown,  October  19,  1781. 

Then  the  federal  treasury  was  empty,  the  faith  of 
the  nation  was  broken,  the  public  burthens  were 
great  and  increasing,  and  there  was  no  possible  relief 
under  the  organic  law  of  the  nation. 

Notwithstanding  the  public  distress,  the  total  inad- 
equacy of  the  present  system  to  afford  relief,  and 
their  constantly  increasing  embarrassments,  there  was 
a  strong  disinclination  on  the  part  of  the  States  to 
endow  the  general  government  with  the  extraordinary 
but  necessary  powers  afterward  conferred. 

THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

On  the  fourteenth  day  of  May,  1787,  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention  met,  in  accordance  with  a  previous 
resolution  of  Congress,  and  resolved  "  to  estublish  a 
national  go vermen t,  with  supreme  judicial  legislative 
and  executive  powers." 

There  were  in  this  convention  Washington,  Frank- 


[  12] 

lin,  Randolph,  Madison,  Sherman,  Hamilton,  Pinck- 
ney,  Mason,  Rutledge,  and  many  of  the  most  re- 
nowned men  of  the  Revolution. 

These  patriots,  blessed  with  rare  powers  as  soldiers 
and  statesmen,  highly  endowed  for  their  great  work 
with  learning,  experience  and  wisdom — after  four 
months  of  earnest  deliberation  on  the  subject  of  gov- 
ernment, in  which  they  had  been  so  thoroughly  trained 
and  versed,  considered  the  many  ideas,  principles,  forms 
and  systems  presented,  and  from  all  eliminated  the 
present  Constitution  of  the  United  St-ites,  and  on  the 
seventeenth  day  of  September,  1787,  presented  the 
same  to  Congress  with  their  approval,  recommending 
its  adoption,  which  was  ratified  in  due  time  by  all  the 
States,  and  became  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  and, 
with  its  various  amendments,  is  still  paramount  and 
suprrme. 

As  all  are  familiar  with  our  most  complete  and 
admirable  system  of  government,  embracing  its  exec- 
utive, legislative  and  judicial  departments,  with  their 
subdivisions  established  for  the  convenience  of  ad- 
ministration, I  will  neither  waste  the  time  nor  weary 
you  with  explanation  or  description  of  the  Consti- 
tution. 

Thus  we  trace  the  successive  steps  in  the  establish- 
ment of  this  magnificent  system  of  government  of  ours. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  the  last  and 
highest  state  of  progressive  development  of  constitu- 
tional government. 

Its  foundations  were  laid  deep  and  strong  and  per- 
manent in  the  justice  and  intelligence  of  our  fore- 
fathers. Pillar  after  pillar  was  erected  in  this  edifice 


[  13  ] 

of  liberty  as  the  power  of  the  throne  relaxed,  and  as 
the  people  learned  to  unite  individual  security, 
national  sovereignty  and  State  rights  in  harmonious 
union,  so  as  to  promote  the  highest  welfare  of  the 
individual  State  and  nation. 

SLAVERY  IN  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

No  accurate  description  can  be  given  of  the  organic 
structure  of  the  Republic,  or  of  the  great  and  control- 
ling influences  and  powers  that  have  prevailed  in  this 
country,  from  the  establishment  of  the  Government 
down  to  the  beginning  of  the  great  Rebellion,  without 
reference  to  the  Institution  of  Slavery.  Its  course  is 
a  matter  of  history,  and  we  cannot  ignore  or  efface  it 
if  we  would. 

African  slavery  was  early  planted  in  America  by 
British  merchants,  under  the  British  flag.  There  were 
slaves  in  all  the  colonies  at  the  beginning  of  the  Rev- 
olution. "  The  irrepressible  conflict  "  then  began,  and 
the  institution  was  a  fruitful  source  of  fearful,  social 
political  and  governmental  disturbance  and  discord  at 
every  period  of  our  existence  until  washed  from  the 
escutcheon  of  our  nation  by  the  blood  of  patriots 
and  heroes  on  a  hundred  battle  fields. 

During  the  Revolution,  slavery  proved  to  be  our 
chief  cause  of  weakness  and  peril.  The  concentration 
of  slaves  in  the  Southern  States  endangered  the 
safety,  excited  the  fears,  and  paralyzed  the  energies  of 
Southern  patriots. 

New  England,  with  less  population  than  Virginia, 
the  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  furnished  double  their 
number  of  soldiers  to  fight  in  the  common  cause. 


[   14  ] 

I 

EMANCIPATION  AND  PROHIBITION. 

When  the  colonies  became  States  of  the  Union  they 
began  to  prohibit  slave  importation  and  manumit  the 
slaves. 

In  the  year  1779,  Thomas  Jefferson,  chairman  of  a 
committee  to  revise  the  laws  of  Virginia,  embodied  in 
the  code  a  clause  that  the  children  of  all  slaves,  born 
after  the  adoption  of  the  code,  should  be  free.  This 
feature  of  the  code  was  stricken  out,  notwithstanding 
the  solemn  protest  of  Jefferson,  who  said:  "The  day  is 
not  far  distant  when  Virginia  must  bear  and  adopt 
emancipation,  or  worse  will  follow.  Nothing  is  more 
certainly  written  in  the  Book  of  Fate  than  that  these 
people  are  to  be  free.  It  is  in  our  power  to  direct  the 
process  of  emancipation  peaceably  and  in  such  slow 
degree  as  that  the  evil  will  wear  off  insensibly.  If,  on 
the  contrary,  it  is  left  to  force  itself  on.  human  nature 
must  shudder  at  the  prospect  held  up." 

As  early  as  1780  Massachusetts  abolished  slavery. 
In  the  same  year  Pennsylvania  passed  an  act  of 
gradual  emancipation.  All  the  northern  States  pur- 
sued the  same  course. 

Virginia,  in  the  year  1778,  passed  an  act,  intro- 
duced by  Jefferson,  making  foreign  slave  trade  piracy. 
North  Carolina  and  Maryland  passed  like  acts. 
In  1807,  nearly  twenty  years  thereafter,  England,  after 
a  fierce  parliamentary  struggle,  passed  a  similar  bill 
introduced  into  Parliament  fourteen  years  before  by 
Wilberforce. 


[  15  ] 
THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

Jefferson,  in  his  original  draft  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  made  this  the  most  grave  and  offensive 
charge:  "That  the  king  had  waged  cruel  war  against 
human  nature  itself,  violating  the  most  sacred  rights 
of  life  and  liberty  in  the  persons  of  a  distant  people 
who  had  never  offended  him,  captivating  and  carrying 
them  into  slavery  in  another  hemisphere.  And  that 
this  assemblage  of  horrors  might  want  no  fact  of  dis- 
tinguished dye,  he  is  now  exciting  those  very  people 
to  rise  in  arms  among  us." 

As  some  of  the  colonists,  especially  in  South  Caro- 
lina and  Georgia,  looked  with  complacency  upon  the 
institution,  it  was  thought  prudent  to  omit  everything 
that  might  create  difference  and  dissension,  and  im- 
pair the  unity  and  strength  of  the  colonies  in  the 
fierce  struggle  with  Britain.  The  question  of  inde- 
pendence was  for  the  time  being  supreme,  and  all 
other  questions  subordinate.  For  this  reason  all 
reference  to  slavery  in  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence was  omitted.  And  for  the  same  reason  it  was 

omitted  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 

/ 

SLAVERY  IN  THE  TERRITORIES. 

In  March,  1784,  Mr.  Jefferson,  chairman  of  a  com- 
mittee in  Congress  to  report  an  ordinance  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  all  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States, 
reported,  among  other  fundamental  provisions  for 
forming  States  from  said  territory,  "  that,  after  the 
year  1800,  there  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  invol- 
untary servitude  in  any  of  said  States,  otherwise  than 


[  16  ] 

in  the  punishment  of  crimes."  To  establish  this  in- 
terdiction the  majority  vote  of  a  majority  of  the  thirteen 
States  was  required.  Sixteen  delegates  voted  for  the 
proposition  and  seven  against  it,  and  the  States  stood 
six  for  it  and  three  against  it.  Thus  the  restriction 
failed,  as  one  vote  more  was  wanting  to  constitute  a 
majority  of  the  States.  In  1787,  however,  the  same 
restriction  was  applied  to  all  of  the  territory  lying 
north-west  of  the  Ohio  River,  by  a  unanimous  vote. 

THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

At  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  Constitution 
this  vexed  question  reappeared  and  caused  the  most 
intense  excitement  and  awakened  fearful  apprehen- 
sions and  forebodings.  Most  of  the  great  men  of  the 
nation  regarded  slavery  as  wrong,  and  believed,  if  fos- 
tered by  the  Government,  it  would  eventually  lead  to 
calamities  of  the  most  shocking  character. 

Two  States,  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  were  then 
propagandists  of  the  institution,  and  insisted  that  it 
should  be  recognized  in  the  Constitution  and  have  a 
place  among  the  legitimate  powers  and  prerogatives 
thereof. 

This  question  was  discussed  with  great  freedom  by 
the  delegates,  and  the  following  sentiments  were  ex- 
pressed, which  illustrate  the  spirit  and  character  of 
the  controversy  : 

Governeur  Morris,  of  New  Jersey,  said  "  that  he 
"  could  never  concur  in  upholding  domestic  slavery. 
"  It  was  a  nefarious  institution.  It  was  the  curse  of 
11  Heaven  on  the  States  where  it  prevailed;  that  he 


"  would  sooner  submit  himself  to  a  tax,  paying  for  all 
u  the  negroes  in  the  United  States  than  saddle  poster- 
"  ity  with  such  a  Constitution." 

Luther  Martin,  of  Maryland;  said  "  That  the  insti- 
a  tution  of  slavery  was  inconsistent  with  the  principles 
u  of  the  Revolution,  and  it  was  dishonorable  to  the 
"  American  character  to  have  such  a  feature  in  the 
"  Constitution." 

Col.  George  Mason,  of  Virginia,  grandfather  of 
James  M.  Mason,  late  United  States  Senator  and  Con- 
federate emissary  to  England,  said:  "This  infernal 
"  traffic  originated  in  the  avarice  of  British  merchants. 
"  Slavery  brings  the  judgment  of  Heaven  on  a  country. 
"  By  an  inevitable  chain  of  causes  and  effects,  Provi- 
"  dence  punishes  national  sins  by  national  calam- 
"  ities." 

Mr.  Madison,  of  Virginia,  afterwards  President,  said: 
"  That  it  was  wrong  to  admit  in  the  Constitution  the 
u  idea  that  there  could  be  property  in  man." 

The  entire  sentiment  of  New  England  and  the  North 
was  in  favor  of  immediate  or  gradual  emancipation, 
and  averse  to  staining  the  pages  of  the  Constitution 
by  a  grant  of  dominion  and  prerogative  to  the  institu- 
tion. The  voice  of  the  members  of  two  States  was  in 
decided  opposition  to  the  sentiments  presented,  and 
they  adopted  the  motto:  "  No  slave  trade — no  Union." 

Mr.  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  said :  "  South 
"  Carolina  can  never  receive  the  plan  (referring  to 
"  the  Constitution)  if  it  prohibits  the  slave  trade; 
"  but  she  should  consider  the  rejection  of  the  clause 
"  an  exclusion  of  South  Carolina  from  the  Union." 


[  18  ] 

Mr.  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  said:  "  Religion 
"  and  humanity  had  nothing  to  do  with  this  question. 
"  Interest  alone  is  the  governing  principle  with  Na- 
"  tions.  The  true  question  at  present  is  whether  the 
"  Southern  States  shall  or  shall  not  be  parties  to  the 
"  Union." 

The  delegates  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  united 
in  the  declaration  that  if  the  slave  trade  was  prohib- 
ited, they  would  not  adopt  the  Constitution.  They 
little  thought  that  Georgia  and  Carolina  would  be- 
come famous  for  Sherman's  victorious  and  desolating 
"  march  to  the  sea,"  over  the  prostrate  form  of  the 
once  imperial  institution. 

All  were  strongly  and  painfully  impressed  with  the 
inadequacy  of  the  system  of  government  under  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  and  each  felt  conscious  that 
the  proposed  system  was  a  decided  improvement 
thereon,  and  each  hoped  that  its  defects  would  soon 
be  corrected  in  the  natural  course  of  things,  and 
therefore  were  disposed  to  give  it  their  sanction. 

Alexander  Hamilton,  although  some  portions  of  the 
instrument  were  extremely  repugnant,  signed  the  same 
and  urged  others  to  do  so  as  the  only  means  of  avoid- 
ing anarchy  and  confusion. 

Roger  Sherman,  of  Connecticut,  said:  "  That  he 
"  regarded  the  slave  trade  as  iniquitous,  but  it  was 
"  better,  in  his  judgment,  to  allow  the  Southern  States 
"  to  import  slaves  than  that  this  should  be  a  cause  of 
"  separation  if  they  made  it  a  sine  qua  nan." 

A  majority,  with  reluctance,  adopted  the  same  con- 
clusion. A  compromise  was  effected.  The  fugitive 


[  19  ] 

slave  law,  the  counting  of  three-fifths  of  the  slaves  in 
the  apportionment  and  the  procrastination  of  the 
ordinance  prohibiting  the  importation  of  slaves, 
became  parts  of  the  Constitution  under  the  compul- 
sory declaration,  "  no  slave  trade,  no  Union." 

The  Constitution  bears  date  September  17,  1787, 
and  soon  afterwards  was  ratified  by  all  the  States,  and 
the  national  calamities  predicted  by  Mason  and  Jef- 
ferson were  carried  over  for  about  a  century  and  we 
have  ourselves  suffered  the  terrors  of  their  fulfillment. 

Thus  the  Ship  of  State,  constructed  in  part  of  ma- 
terial inflammable  and  destructive  in  the  highest 
degree,  started  on  its  perilous  voyage  with  the  most 
precious  cargo  of  hopes  and  humanity  that  the  world 
has  seen. 

THE  PERILS  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  nothing  oc- 
curred to  test  the  strength  of  the  government  or  strong- 
ly excite  fears  for  its  perpetuity  until  the  session  of 
Congress  of  1819  and  1820.  A  bill  was  then  pending 
in  Congress  to  admit  Missouri  as  a  State.  The  ques- 
tion of  prohibiting  slavery  within  the  limits  of  Mis- 
souri and  in  all  the  territory  ceded  by  France  to  the 
United  States,  was  discussed  with  great  interest  and 
violence  in  Congress  and  throughout  the  country. 
Public  meetings  were  held,  State  resolutions  were 
passed,  and  memorials  were  presented  to  Congress 
affirming  and  denying  the  power  of  Congress  over  the 
subject  of  slavery  and  the  justice  of  its  exercise.  An 
excitement  was  produced  that  in  extent  and  intensity 


[20] 

had  had  no  parallel  since  the  adoption  of  the  Consti- 
tution. The  violence  of  the  agitation  produced  the 
most  profound  solicitude  and  alarm. 

A  compromise  was  effected  by  which  Missouri  was 
admitted  into  the  Union  without  restriction,  and  sla- 
very was  prohibited  in  all  the  territory  north  of  the 
line  36°  30'. 

The  compromise  was  the  rainbow  of  peace  to  the 
nation.  There  was  universal  rejoicing  over  its  adop- 
tion, and  to  it  was  attributed  their  escape  from  the 
thraldom  of  indescribable  calamities  and  horrors. 

NULLIFICATION. 

The  country  was  startled  in  1832  by  the  declaration 
on  the  part  of  South  Carolina  that  the  passage  of  the 
tariff  bill  by  Congress  was  a  case  of  the  exercise  of 
deliberate,  palpable  and  dangerous  powers  not  granted 
by  the  Constitution  ;  that  she  had  a  right,  and  it  was 
her  duty,  to  interpose  and  arrest  legislation  of  that 
character  ;  that  according  to  the  Virginia  and  Ken- 
tucky resolutions  of  1798,  which  she  approved,  a 
State  had  a  right  to  judge  for  itself  as  well  of  infrac- 
tions as  of  the  mode  and  measure  of  redress.  A  State 
Convention  was  called  to  consider  and  check  what  she 
termed  "  the  usurpations  of  the  general  government." 
The  convention  adopted  an  ordinance  declaring  the 
tariff  law  null  and  void,  and  it  unlawful  for  any  officer 
of  the  general  government  to  collect  duties  in  South 
Carolina  ;  and  enjoined  upon  the  Legislature  the  duty 
of  passing  laws  to  give  the  ordinance  effect.  The 
Legislature  convened  in  a  few  days  thereafter  and 


[21   ] 

passed  extreme  nullification  measures,  placing  the 
State  in  a  hostile  attitude  to  the  general  government. 
Under  the  influence  of  Clay's  compromise  tariff  bill 
of  1833,  and  the  conciliatory  effect  of  Jackson's  pow- 
der and  ball  policy,  the  nullification^  measures  were 
repealed  or  remained  lifeless  on  the  statute  books. 

THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 

Again,  in  the  year  of  1850,  the  country  was  plunged 
into  the  wildest  state  of  excitement  by  the  renewal 
of  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question.  An  effort 
was  made  to  enforce,  by  legislation,  that  provision  of 
the  Constitution  relating  to  the  recapture  of  fugitive 
slaves.  There  was  violent  opposition  to  the  passage 
of  any  bill  that  should  make  the  free  States  the  hunt- 
ing ground  for  slaves,  or  that  should  compel  a  citizen 
of  a  free  State  to  assist  in  the  return  of  a  fugitive  to 
slavery. 

This  obnoxious  clause  had  been  forced  into  the 
Constitution  under  the  most  solemn  protests;  and  the 
Act  for  its  enforcement  sent  a  thrill  of  dismay  and 
terror  through  the  land.  So  great  was  the  exaspera- 
tion of  the  people,  that  the  reputation  of  the  mem- 
bers from  the  North  who  voted  for  this  measure,  fell 
before  an  enraged  constituency  as  if  blighted  by  the 
wrath  of  Heaven. 

THE  REPEAL  OF  THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE. 

The  passage  of  the  fugitive  slave  law  filled  the 
devotees  of  slavery  with  new  hopes  and  zeal  to  extend 
the  limits  of  and  aggrandize  the  institution,  and  they 


[22  ] 

sought  expedients  to  possess  the  ample  fields  devoted 
to  freedom  by  the  compromise  of  1820.  For  this  pur- 
pose the  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  was  canonized, 
and  that  the  benefits  of  this  wonderful  principle  might 
be  experienced  on  this  continent,  in  the  year  1854  the 
Missouri  Compromise  law  was  repealed,  and  the  con- 
test with  slavery  renewed.  This  was  the  fatal  act  of 
the  haughty  and  imperious  institution.  This  violation 
of  a  solemn  compact  and  breach  of  plighted  faith 
cemented  by  law,  reproduced  the  acrimonious  antag- 
onisms and  altercations  of  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
and  excited  in  the  north,  in  the  highest  degree,  feel- 
ings of  rage,  madness,  and  desperation.  Pandora's  box 
was  opened,  and  out  of  it  rushed  the  furies  armed  with 
famine  and  sword,  with  pestilence  and  war.  Kansas 
had  the  misfortune  to  become  the  theatre  of  the  ter- 
rible contest  to  enlarge  the  dominion  of  human  slavery. 
Murder,  rapine,  fraud,  and  every  crime,  known  on  the 
earth  or  in  hell  was  here  perpetrated  to  crush  freedom 
and  exalt  slavery. 

In  this  contest  liberty  was  triumphant,  the  slave 
propagandists  found  their  Waterloo, — slavery  doomed, 
recoiled  within  its  proper  limits.  A  lull  followed. 
A  temporary  truce  was  had  between  the  con- 
tending powers,  broken  by  the  election  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  the  annointed  one,  chosen  for  the  great  work 
of  emancipation. 

The  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  made  the 
pretext  for  secession,  dissolution,  and  war.  In  the 
conspiracy  against  the  Union,  South  Carolina,  bearing 
vauntingly  aloft  a  strange  flag,  led  the  revolting  States, 


[23] 

declaring  through  her  leading  exponent  of  opinion  and 
purpose,  the  Charleston  Mercury,  that  "  upon  the  policy 
of  dissolving  the  Union,  of  separating  the  South  from 
her  Northern  enemies  and  establishing  a  Southern 
Confederacy,  parties,  papers,  politicians  and  people  are 
a  unit." 

Senator  Iverson,  of  Georgia,  in  a  speech  delivered 
in  the  United  States  Senate,  in  1860,  said:  ''Sir,  there 
is  one  path  of  safety  for  the  South,  but  one  mode  of 
preserving  her  institution  of  domestic  slavery;  and  that 
is  a  confederacy  of  States  having  no  incongruous  and 
opposing  elements,  a  confederacy  of  slave  States  alone, 
with  homogeneous  language,  laws,  interests,  and  insti- 
tutions." Nearly  a  century  before,  these  States  de- 
clared, <(  No  slave  trade,  no  Union,"  and  forced  upon 
the  reluctant  Sister  States  a  system  since  pronounced 
piracy  by  law. 

The  impending  catastrophe,  so  often  postponed  by 
compromise,  could  no  longer  be  averted.  No  conces- 
sion would  be  accepted.  There  could  be  no  atonement 
for  the  offense  of  electing  a  friend  of  freedom  to  the 
chief  magistracy  of  the  republic.  The  sad  time  had 
come  for  Heaven  to  pour  upon  the  country  the  woes 
and  calamities  foretold  by  Mason  and  Jefferson  with 
volcanic  power.  The  South,  in  its  blindness  and 
delirium,  invoked  Jehovah's  retributive  justice  on  their 
own  heads  for  nature's  long  violated  law  in  the  person 
of  the  poor  slave. 

On  the  1 2th  of  April,  1861,  South  Carolina  let  loose 
the  thunders  of  war,  hurling  her  missiles  of  death  and 
destruction  at  the  guards  of  the  republic  at  Fort  Sumter. 


[24] 

The  Civil  War  extended  until  the  whole  South  was 
engaged  in  a  death  grapple  with  the  government.  For 
four  long  years,  and  until  the  surrender  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  rebellion  at  Appo- 
mattox,  war  raged  with  relentless  and  terrific  fury. 

I  should  fail  if  I  attempted  to  describe  what  you 
have  witnessed — the  scenes  of  four  years  of  dread, 
terrific  war;  the  long,  wearisome  and  forced  marches; 
the  marshalling  of  armies;  the  preparations  for  combat; 
the  repeated  assault  and  defense;  battles  and  sieges; 
rivers  of  blood  flowing  from  piercing  shot,  bursting 
shell,  and  the  sabre,  stroke;  burning  fever,  delirium,  and 
death  from  exposure  in  the  scorching  summer  sun ;  in 
malarious  swamps  and  pestilential  districts;  and  on  the 
wet  freezing  ground  in  sleety  wintry  nights  on  the 
battle-fields ; — and  you  have  also  seen  the  friends  of  the 
republic  triumphant,  and  heard  the  huzzas  and  felt  the 
rapture  of  ultimate  victory. 

You  have  seen  your  comrades  fall  thick  and  fast 
around  you,  rank  after  rank  depleted  again  and  again, 
some  to  sleep  their  last  sleep  and  some  to  continue 
long  years  disabled  and  suffering. 

You  have  seen  young  life,  richly  endowed  with 
talents,  exhuberant  with  affections  and  smiles,  with  all 
of  its  friendships  and  with  all  of  its  hopes  and  joys,  sur- 
rendered up  that  the  nation  might  live.  More  than 
three  hundred  thousand  comrades  have  gone  from 
fields  of  march  and  battle  up  to  the  mercy  seat,  up  to 
the  throne  of  God.  They  died  in  the  service  of  their 
country  and  humanity. 

O  Father !    may  they  not  receive  the  benediction, 


[  25  ] 

the  enconium,  that,  as  they  have  done  this  beneficial 
and  charitable  service  unto  Thy  children,  they  have 
done  it  unto  Thee;  that,  as  they  fell  righting  for  the 
suffering  poor,  they  fell  in  Thy  cause  after  Thine 
appointment,  and  shall  receive  their  reward  in  the 
kingdom  prepared  for  Thy  meritorious  children  before 
the  foundation  of  the  world. 

THE  FRUITS  OF  THE  VICTORY. 

The  victory  has  conclusively  and  forever  established 
the  supremacy  of  the  constitution  and  the  sovereignty 
of  the  United  States. 

It  has  settled  the  question  permanently  that  the 
States  of  the  Union  are  a  nation,  one  people  with  one 
flag,  one  language,  one  system  of  government,  founded 
on  the  equality  of  the  rights  of  man. 

Your  victory  burst  the  manacles  of  four  millions  of 
God's  children  and  made  them  and  their  posterity  free 
forever. 

Among  the  important  results  of  your  victory  is  the 
removal  of  the  cause  of  the  "  irrepressible  conflict" — 
American  Slavery — the  prolific  source  of  sectional  ani- 
mosity, political  proscription,  social  ostracism,  vio- 
lence, conflict  and  rebellion.  Happily  the  country  is 
now  freed  from  this  powerful  architect  of  dissension  and 
disaster.  This,  the  inspiring  cause  of  disagreement  and 
disunion,  is  permanently  removed.  Mason  and  Dixon's 
bloody  line,  along  which  the  lightnings  and  tempests 
of  a  century's  contention  and  passion  had  accumulated, 
has  been  swept  away,  and  now  broad  fields  are  spread 
out  on  every  side,  where  the  flowers  of  peace  and 
prosperity  may  bloom  forever. 


[26  ] 

You  brought  out  of  the  four  years  of  conflict,  out  of 
the  long  night  of  woe — peace  and  victory;  peace  to 
fifty  millions  and  their  posterity,  and  victory  not  to 
arms  alone,  but  to  ideas  and  principles,  to  freedom  and 
humanity. 

Through  your  valor  and  success,  civilization  itself 
has  triumphed,  and  the  Higher  Law  teaching  the 
doctrine  of  National  responsibility,  and  that  there  is  an 
inevitable  chain  of  causes  and  effects  linking  together 
national  sins  and  national  calamities,  is  adopted  as  the 
Creed  of  Nations. 

You  have  given  us  a  land  smiling  in  peace  and  re- 
joicing in  plenty. 

You  have  given  us  a  land  where  liberty  and  order 
and  law  shall  walk  hand  in  hand  in  happy  union 
forever. 

Through  your  sufferings  and  heroism  the  republic, 
our  republic,  has  been  redeemed,  regenerated,  and 
disenthralled. 

The  thirteenth,  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  amendments 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  establishing 
equality,  justice,  and  liberty,  are  the  legitimate  results 
of  your  labors.  Your  great  work  has  been  crowned 
by  transferring  these  heavenly  luminaries  to  the  diadem 
of  the  republic. 

The  former  fugitive  no  longer  looks  to  the  North 
Star  for  direction,  safety,  and  liberty,  but  looks  to  the 
imperishable  stars  set  by  you  on  the  nation's  brow  for 
the  assurance  of  freedom  for  him  and  his  posterity 
forever. 

We  are  now  reaping  an  abundant  and  priceless  har- 
vest where  you  have  sown  in  blood. 


[  27  ] 

To  you  belongs  the  transcendent  glory  of  rescuing 
liberty  from  the  thraldom  in  which  she  was  cast  by 
wanton  rebellion  and  placing  the  Government  on  an 
enduring  foundation.  To  you  we  are  indebted  for  our 
peace  at  home  and  our  standing  abroad.  To  you  we 
are  indebted  for  whatever  is  valuable  in  our  institu- 
tions and  for  the  rising  glories  of  the  Republic. 

As  time  advances  the  worth  of  your  great  services 
to  your  country  and  mankind  will  be  more  clearly 
seen  and  more  highly  appreciated,  and  coming  gener- 
ations will  rise  up  and  bless  you  for  their  fortunate 
birth  and  increased  happiness,  for  the  great  good  that 
you  have  conferred  upon  your  country,  your  race  and 
all  mankind. 

It  is  most  gratifying  that  the  people  have  crowned 
many  of  the  immortal  band  of  patriots  with  the  re- 
ward of  recognition  and  preferment  for  distinguished 
and  meritorious  services  done  their  country. 

Grant,  Hayes  and  Garfield,  soldiers  of  the  Union, 
have,  like  Washington,  been  crowned  by  the  peoples' 
sovereign  will.  This  State  has  not  been  unmindful  of 
the  heroes  of  the  late  struggle. 

We  can  all  refer  with  pride  to  one  of  your  number, 
General  Miller,  to  whom  is  accorded  the  highest 
position  in  the  Federal  Councils  that  a  State  can 
bestow,  and  who  is  worthy — by  virtue  of  distin- 
guished and  costly  services  in  our  country's  cause, 
discriminating  judgment,  comprehensive  intelligence, 
knowledge  and  experience  in  public  affairs,  great  tal- 
ents and  lofty  character  untrammelled  by  factional  or 
vexed  complications — to  occupy  the  highest  position 
in  the  gift  of  a  generous  people. 


[28] 

The  galaxy  of  bravo  men  who  have  been  most 
honored  by  the  nation  would  become  more  lustrous 
by  adding  another  star,  and  that  from  the  Occident. 

The  career  of  the  poor  slave,  who  was  from  neces- 
sity deprived  of  books,  arms  and  ambition,  impov- 
erished and  trammeled  that  he  might  continue  a  slave, 
should  not  pass  unnoticed  nor  unhonored.  He  acted 
his  part  well.  At  first  he  was  guide,  reporter,  pro- 
tector, and  faithful  friend.  He  fed,  secreted,  and 
escorted  to  places  of  safety  his  Northern  deliverers. 
No  charge  of  betrayal  from  avarice,  disloyalty  or  per- 
suasion is  recorded  against  him.  His  devotion,  loyalty 
and  fidelity  to  the  Union  soldiers  are  matters  of  aston- 
ishment and  admiration. 

Fidelity  that  neither  bribe  nor  threat 
Could  move  or  warp. 

As  the  war  progressed  he  was  not  an  inattentive 
spectator  of  so  sanguinary  a  contest  involving  the 
freedom  of  his  race. 

By  degrees  he  acquired  knowledge,  ambition,  and 
courage;  and  when  called  into  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  he  became  an  important  factor  in 
crushing  the  rebellion  of  his  masters,  most  cheerfully 
submitting  to  the  severest  labor  and  discipline,  and 
displaying  in  hottest  battle  a  coolness,  earnestness, 
and  bravery  that  have  justly  entitled  him  to  high  rank 
among  those  who  have  gained  imperishable  renown 
in  their  country's  defense. 

I  cannot  close  this  address  without  a  tribute  to  the 
mothers  and  fathers  and  wives  of  our  heroes. 


[  20  ] 

To  the  mothers  and  fathers  who  tenderly,  lovingly 
and  patriotically  surrendered  their  dear  children  to 
the  fate  of  battle,  to  the  carnage  and  havoc  of  war, 
and  to  the  patriotic  and  heroic  wives  who  gave  a  loving 
kiss  and  an  encouraging  good-bye  to  their  husbands 
as  they  started  for  the  fields  of  blood  and  victory, 
accepting  cheerfully  the  chances  of  desolate  and  fam- 
ishing widewhood  for  themselves,  and  sad  and  suffer- 
ing orphanage  for  their  children,  that  their  country 
might  be  saved  and  their  race  be  blessed,  the  country 
owes  a  measureless  debt  of  gratitude. 

The  wives  and  mothers  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Union 
ought  to  be  held  in  everlasting  and  grateful  remem- 
brance. May  the  benefactions  of  their  countrymen 
attend  them  always,  and  may  Heaven's  richest  gifts  be 
theirs. 

Soldiers,  comrades  and  members  of  the  George 
Thomas  Post,  of  this  branch  of  the  Grand  Army  of 
the  Republic,  you  have  the  honor  of  having  borne  an 
important  part  in  achieving  this  greatness  and  grandeur 
for  your  country  and  the  world. 

Whatever  satisfaction  and  felicity  belong  to  noble 
actions,  followed  with  grand  and  sublime  results,  are 
yours;  yours  to  enjoy  forever. 

Those  who  have  the  highest  appreciation  of  your 
gallant  services  and  the  greatest  admiration  of  your 
character,  conscious  of  their  utter  inability  to  make 
you  a  fitting  return,  might  well  pray: 

"  Oh  !  call  not  to  my  mind  what  you  have  done. 
It  sets  a  debt  of  that  account  before  me, 
Which  shows  me  poor  and  bankrupt  even  in  hopes." 


-    [  30] 

But  every  patriot  the  wide  world  over,  and  everv 

participant  in  the  blessings  scattered  by  you  on  every 

side  with  a  bountiful  hand,  will   unite   in  this  senti- 
ment: 

"  Yes  !  rear  thy  guardian  hero's  form 
On  thy  proud  soil,  thou  Western  world ; 
A  watcher  through  each  sign  of  storm 
O'er  freedom's  flag  unfurled. 


I 


